This article examines some of the key works underpinning this claim and shows their shortcomings, especially in relation to their extrapolation from isolated local studies to the national picture. 1 For a description of processes at each census and the Census Reports created, see Edward Higgs, Christine Jones, Kevin Schürer and Amanda Wilkinson, The Integrated Census Microdata (I–CeM) Guide ( http://www.essex.ac.uk/history/research/ICeM/documents/icem_guide.pdf ), pp. 32 Higgs, ‘Women, Occupations and Work’, pp. Local Population Studies: 260 –68. An examination of the CEBs for both districts shows that in the early years, 1851–61, they were heavily populated with silk weavers and winders, and entire families were involved in the trade. However, by 2005, when a revised and updated version of this work was issued as Making Sense of the Census Revisited, although still cautious I struck a more positive note, claiming that ‘in the absence of alternative sources, the census enumerators’ books are still our best source for understanding the economic activities of women in the Victorian period’. 12 Higgs, ‘Women, Occupations and Work’, pp. It is still Camberwell here that has the smallest proportion of married and widowed women in work, one third that of Spitalfields in 1851. 60 By 1860 weaving was in decline but families were still hanging on in hope of a reprieve. 79, 82. The image of the angel in the house, the domestic goddess of Victorian domestic ideology, was something that those living in the slums of the East End could only dream of, if it occurred to them at all. Therefore, she suggested that the women concerned were not considered to be fully engaged in employment, and that their occupations thus did not need to be reported in the census returns. 10 Returning to the subject of the usefulness of the census in an article with Carmen Sarasúa in Feminist Economics in 2012, Jane Humphries again claimed that the work of women was ‘left off the record’ in censuses across the world, including those in Britain. Anderson, Michael (2007 a) “ Mis-specification of servant occupations in the 1851 Census: A problem revisited, ” in Goose, Nigel (ed.) Here we might include the collection Women, Business and Finance in Nineteenth Century Europe: Rethinking Separate Spheres , edited by Robert Beachy, Beatrice Craig and Alastair Owens; Hannah Barker’s The Business of Women ; Alison Kay’s The Foundations of Female Entrepreneurship ; Women in Business, 1700–1850 , by Nicola Phillips; and the work of Jennifer Aston. OCCUPATIONS PERSONS MALES FEMALES; 1851 1861 1851 1861 1851 1861; Total of Agricultural Order: 2,011,447: 1,924,110: 1,559,762: 1,545,667: 451,685: 378,443: Land Proprietor: 30,315: 30,766: 17,047: 15,131: 13,268: 15,635: Farmer, Grazier: 249,431: 249,735: 226,515: 226,957: 22,916: 22,778: Farmer, Grazier's wife: 164,618: 163,765 : 164,618: … The majority of the census returns were destroyed in 1922 but there are a few returns that remain for a few counties. 32 However, I did not address any other possible reasons for the geographically ‘spotty’ nature of women’s employment, such as differential proximity to work places, or work being put out to family or neighbours. 50 Straw plaiting is known to have been a primary occupation for women living in the Halstead area of Essex in the latter half of the nineteenth century, and its omission from the census returns would certainly prove that the occupational enumeration of married and single women was problematic, if not hopelessly compromised. What is actually seen is totally different. 123–60. In 1801–31 the forms (only headcounts) were filled in for parishes by local overseers. For Bethnal Green and neighbouring Spitalfields, however, the graph shows a steep fall in married women stating an occupation – a decline that proved catastrophic for the families concerned. 5 Instead they based their analysis of women’s participation in the labour force on family budgets in the works of contemporary social commentators, Parliamentary Papers, working-class autobiographies, and similar sources. 61 Hilda Kean and Bruce Wheeler, in ‘Making History in Bethnal Green: Different Stories of Nineteenth-Century Silk Weavers’, History Workshop Journal 56, pp. The variations, I suggested, might ‘again reflect a particular enumerator’s habit of ignoring the paid work of women rather than a low economic participation rate’. 7 Jane Humphries, ‘Women and Paid Work’, in Women’s History: Britain, 1850–1945: an Introduction , ed. 55 Ellen Ross, Love and Toil: Motherhood in Outcast London, 1870–1918 , Oxford, 1993, p. 45. and Dorothy M. Zimmern M.A. 51 Census of England and Wales 1861: Castle Hedingham, TNA, RG9/1112. 38 Jessica Gerrard, ‘Invisible Servants: the Country House and the Local Community’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 57: 136, 1984, p. 178. 1 This, it has been argued, introduced biases against recording the work of women at almost every stage. 174–82), an early comment on the nineteenth-century census as a record of married women’s paid employments. The census returns contains: name, age, occupation, relationship to the head of household, date of marriage, education/literacy, absent family members, family members who died since 1841 and other information. The provisional conclusion is that the nineteenth-century census returns are a reliable source for the study of women’s work in the period, and this opens up new fields of study. UK, Register of Duties Paid for Apprentices' Indentures, 1710-1811, ($), index. Whilst this could be described as a match of employment status rather than of occupation, this in itself is still a valuable result, since it is important to match those who were not working as well as those who were, if a full picture of employment status is to be obtained through the study of the censuses. Transcripts are more detailed than indexes, and enable you to search across all the fields, such as occupation and address. 29, Much of what I said in my 1987 article about the influence of separate spheres ideology on women’s work in the census related to the occupational tables in the published Census Reports , rather than to the data in the original household schedules and CEBs. In 1998 John McKay noted that the published Census Reports indicated that there was consistently higher employment for married women in nineteenth-century Lancashire than elsewhere, and in industrial areas within that county rather than in rural area, all of which pointed to the usefulness of the source. The same year Humphries, in her contribution to June Purvis’s Women’s History, repeated these claims regarding the problems with the census, and showed that her and Horrell’s budgets recorded far higher levels of labour participation for women than in the census tables. In some instances, where it was possible to identify a woman through her kin, then these were also classified as a match. In Ipswich in 1881, for example, 100 percent of the details given relating to married and widowed women matched. This has created difficulties when small-scale research studies are then used to generalize about the enumeration of women’s work. Place of Birth. 217–30, suggest that the decline in silk weaving in Bethnal Green was not as severe as previously suggested, and that pockets of silk weavers remained in the East End with young women entering the profession throughout the nineteenth-century. 33 Higgs, ‘Women, Occupations and Work’, p. 69. It is perhaps surprising, therefore, that she also claimed that it was the norm for enumerator bias to play a part in occupational enumeration, and that women’s occupations were normally left blank, when her own findings suggested the opposite. Her occupations were Particuliere and Dienstmaagd. By 1901 however only 102 remained, and nearly half were unmarried – a significant, but unexplained, change in the demographic structure. 47 Notice of Admission, Warley Hospital, 1871: Warley Hospital Patient Admissions, Essex Record Office, A/H 10/2/11/3/6. If such under-enumeration existed it would create signal problems for understanding the changing role of women in the economy and in the family, and indeed the nature of economic development during the Industrial Revolution as a whole. Search: Census of 1851 This census includes Canada East (Quebec), Canada West (Ontario), New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. These claims were based on the authors’ own research (some published, some in process) on agricultural work and on Victorian London, and were a riposte to the claims of much labour history that married women in the nineteenth century did not work. Source : Census of England and Wales, Bethnal Green Church/South, 1851—1901 . There has long been a tendency amongst historians to view the Victorian and Edwardian censuses of England and Wales as a problematic source for studying the work of women. Finally, Saffron Hill shows an intriguing pattern with both married and widowed women who worked, and also those who were not employed, dropping as a proportion of the women in the district, whilst single women formed a greater percentage of the women working recorded in the district overall. 14 John McKay, ‘Married Women and Work in Nineteenth-century Lancashire: the Evidence of the 1851 and 1861 census reports’, Local Population Studies 61, 1998, pp. 17 Shaw-Taylor, ‘Diverse Experiences’, p. 50. His conclusion was that the manuscript censuses were a useful source for women’s work. For example mantle making is stated by Clementina Black to be a seasonal occupation with serious ‘slack’ times (late winter and spring), when minimal work was available. Lown repeated this argument in her Women and Industrialisation , p. 91, n. 29. 30 Higgs, ‘Women, Occupations and Work’, pp. Nigel Goose, Hatfield, 2007, p. 39. Here he suggested that the classification was based around five main differences in people’s work: skill, talent or intelligence; tools, instruments, machinery or … 27, Much recent work has also undermined the concept of a strict separation between the work of men and women, at least among middle-class women, offering empirical evidence on women’s business roles in nineteenth-century Britain. Implicit in some of what I and others argued about the under-enumeration of women in the Victorian censuses was the belief that how male householders, census enumerators and the census authorities treated women’s work was influenced by the Victorian view that woman should be the domestic ‘angel in the house’ rather than entering the external, masculine world of work. By 1901, however, not a single female weaver was listed in the Spitalfields enumeration district concerned, and only a very small number in Bethnal Green. Search for other works by this author on: © The Author 2016. In the 1831 census, parish clerks were asked how many people were occupied (1) in agriculture; (2) in manufacture for ‘export’ out of the locality; (3) in retail trade or handicrafts for sale in the locality; (4) as capitalists, merchants and professionals; (5) as miners, fishermen, non-agricultural labourers; (6) those retired or disabled; (7) and finally as servants. 48 Since these women were admitted over a considerable period of time, it is not possible to compare the percentages with specific census populations. 17 As Nigel Goose has recently summarized the situation, ’the more informed critics of the census data have concluded that the jury is out on the question of under-enumeration [of women’s employment]’. The matches shown in Graph 1 relate to women who were recorded as being married or widowed on admittance to the asylums, and include both those who were recorded as having no occupation, and those who were employed. Source : Census of England and Wales – Spitalfields, 1851—1901 . 12 Although earlier research had raised issues about particular aspects of the problem, my article was one of the first works to confront directly the problems of women’s work in the nineteenth-century British censuses. Most of Spitalfields was home to weavers, which explains why the proportion of women in work was so much higher than in neighbouring Bethnal Green. Jordan Erica Webber has shared an amazing thing on Twitter, “things people in Britain gave as their “rank, profession, or occupation” on the 1881 census.” Some are clearly jokes, and some are clearly just… jobs. Also, since the published census tables could only deal in single occupations, the multiple activities of women were underestimated. But how on this scale does one find other sources to corroborate the evidence in the CEBs? 89–117. 37 John W. Walton and P. R. McGloin, ‘Holiday Resorts and their Visitors: Some Sources for the Local Historian’, The Local Historian 13: 6, 1979, p. 328. However, such categories disappeared from the published tables from 1881 onwards, and women working in the home were also placed in a new ‘Unoccupied’ class. 1861 Census of Canada. Religion. It was the top occupation in that area for Irish men as well. In 1851, much greater detail was asked about people's occupations than in previous censuses. For full access to this pdf, sign in to an existing account, or purchase an annual subscription. Lown’s argument would initially appear well founded, but her findings were misleading due to the problems related to using a small sample in a restricted locality. 14 In 1999 Michael Anderson showed from research based on samples of the CEBs for Lancashire in 1851 that large numbers of women continued to work in the textile factories after they had married. Yet the published figures for England and Wales still covered 877 occupations, presented in alphabetical order, with very little attempt at further arrangement. 64 However, on the evidence presented here these ideological limitations do not necessarily affect the raw returns in the CEBs. Davidoff had herself, in a contribution to a collection in 1979, queried the Victorian separation of home and work in the case of landladies. As regards the types of job shown in the census, if the CEBs were not recording casual and irregular women’s work as has been suggested, then it might be expected that a relatively small number of occupations would appear: perhaps some tailoresses, a few shop-keepers, laundresses, charwomen, the odd nurse or midwife, a teacher or two per school, and so on. Enter one or more search terms. 21 Higgs, ‘Women, Occupations and Work’, pp. By searching the entire asylum population for all women admitted to the asylums within the three months following a census, it was possible to ascertain the names of these women, their ages, their occupations prior to admission, secondary information on their immediate families, and the address at which they were in residence before entering the asylums. 58 In addition to these, a high proportion of the occupations recorded over the whole period examined here are what would be regarded as casual or seasonal jobs such as straw-hat maker and waterproof maker, and were based in workshops scattered around the area. In the same period the wives of innkeepers, lodging-house keepers, shopkeepers, butchers, farmers and shoemakers, were included under special terms (with ‘wife’ added to the husband’s occupation as in ‘shoemaker’s wife’) in the appropriate section of the tables because they were ‘supposed to take part immediately in their husband’s business’. 13, There have been a number of attempts since then to rehabilitate the Victorian census as a source for women’s work as a riposte, in part, to my original arguments, and to those of historians who agreed with me. 139–55. For 1841–1901, householders (they didn't have to be male but often were) filled out household schedules, which were then copied, and probably simplified, by enumerators into the special enumeration books for dispatch to the Census Office in London. There has long been a tendency amongst historians to view the Victorian censuses of England and Wales as a problematic source for studying the work of women. In the meantime there appears no good reason why historians should not make full use of this extraordinary source for reconstructing the social and economic roles of women in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century England and Wales. However, the number slowly begins to rise as the number of working-class women in the district increased. Place Name Relationship to Head of Household Sex Age Profession/ Occupation Where Born 84 Abersychan LOCK James Head Mar M 57 Shopkeeper & Grocer Langford, Somerset . In the enumeration districts examined, on the other hand, there will have been some women who were in the fortunate position of being able to choose not to work, and, as such, it might be expected that the numbers shown as working in these districts might be lowered as a result. As already noted, Victorian census-taking was a predominantly male activity, and this, I argued, is crucial for understanding how the economic activities of women were recorded, or not, as the case might be. 42 Edward Higgs, Making Sense of the Census Revisited. Drawing upon research for my doctoral thesis, I pointed to the numbers of ‘housekeepers’ in Rochdale and Rutland in 1871 who were resident in the homes of kin, or even the heads of householders, and were probably not domestic servants but working in the family home. Much of the detailed research carried out to date on the recording of women’s work in nineteenth-century England and Wales has been small in scale and very local in nature, focusing on the records of a single employer, or on the census enumeration books relating to a small community. 9 The same year, 2006, Hannah Barker in her examination of late eighteenth and early nineteenth century female enterprise in Northern England also claimed that it ‘has been well established that the census is particularly problematic in the case of women’s work’. Despite extensive searches through the wage books and employment records held in regional record offices across the east of England and London, very few suitable sources have been found. These were St Andrew’s Hospital near Norwich, St Audry’s in Melton near Ipswich, and Warley Hospital near Brentwood in Essex. 19 Amanda Wilkinson, ‘Women and Occupations in the Census of England and Wales: 1851–1901’, University of Essex PhD Thesis, 2012. It would be wrong to suggest, however, that ninety percent of women would therefore have to be working, as a large number of these households would have been home to children of working age who could themselves supplement the income of the breadwinner. 13 Edward Higgs, Making Sense of the Census: the Manuscript Returns for England and Wales, 1801–1901 , London, 1989, p. 81. 54 Census of England and Wales 1861: Pebmarsh, TNA, RG9/1111. You don’t need to fill in all the boxes. However, the figures for 1901 may skew the result due to the dramatic decline in population in the area between 1891 and 1901. Ross argued in 1993 that ‘the large married women’s work force in London, often unlisted by census enumerators either because the male “household head” failed to mention it, or because the census taker viewed the wife’s work as insignificant, has remained largely invisible even today’. 40 However, this coverage was somewhat episodic and patchy – how typical were the problems revealed, often in passing, by these local studies? In the village of Castle Hedingham in 1861, the year on which Lown’s research was based,163 female straw plaiters were recorded in the census returns: thirty-five percent of women over the age of fourteen. 59–80. 59–80. 19. Allowance has to be made for the possibility that women's work was under-enumerated in the CEBs for both sets of communities, but the correlation between the types of work recorded in the census and the nature of the work known to have been available suggests that it is far more likely that both are actually recording women's occupations rather well. layouts, are maintained from the original census forms and instructions received by householders. 64 Edward Higgs, ‘The State and Statistics in Victorian and Edwardian Britain: Promotion of the Public Sphere or Boundary Maintenance?’, in Statistics and the Public Sphere: Numbers and the People in Modern Britain, c. 1750–c. 10 Hannah Barker, The Business of Women: Female Enterprise and Urban Development in Northern England 1760–1830, Oxford, 2006, p. 45. I did look at some original CEBs, from Colyton in Devon, Spitalfields in London, and Matlock in Derbyshire in 1851 and 1881, and noted variations between differing enumeration districts with regard to the occupations of women, and their proportions in work. 1851 Canadian Census Form PERSONAL CENSUS—ENUMERATION DISTRICT, NO. One hundred and sixty of these households were located in the census returns for Halstead, another two in the village of Little Maplestead, one in Great Maplestead, one in Castle Hedingham, one in Colne Engaine, and one in Stisted (leaving five households unaccounted for). A census name index is an index of names compiled from the census records, and enable you to search for a person by surname, forename and age. I covered a lot of ground, bringing a good deal of evidence to bear on my subject, but my overall conclusion was not in fact a direct rejection of the usefulness of the census records, while some of my arguments were perhaps, with hindsight, not as grounded as they might have been. 61 The picture is of an entire workforce wiped out by changing trade patterns, its fate mirrored perfectly in the CEBs, and clearly evident in the steep decline in occupied women in the graphs. For more information on the history of the UK census, visit the National Archives website. The percentage of women in Saffron Hill enumerated as working or having no occupation. 44 The relationship between new estimates of the female working population taken from the CEBs and the figures given in the contemporary Census Reports will be the subject of a future monograph. Small-Scale research studies are then used to generalize about the enumeration of women’s work 1861 the enumeration working... Servant’ with twenty-seven women so recorded Carel was born Circa 1826, least... 53 in a cluster of four villages studied in the CEBs in her and. Paid Work’, p. 39 author 2016 however only 102 remained, and Warley Hospital Patient admissions, record. Important in and around Coates nineteenth century information was requested: Name of street place! Categorisation was attempted in Little Maplestead 52 and Great Maplestead, TNA, RG9/1111 sub-orders UK, Register Duties. Half were unmarried – a significant, but a general trend emerges Dharmalingam... It has been made of some isolated studies showing, or any other means of categorically identifying individual workers 2005. 1801€“31 the forms ( only headcounts ) were filled in for parishes by Local overseers pp... 1871, and nearly half were unmarried – a significant, but unexplained, change in the district.... Census stated their occupation can never be known married and widowed women.. Sandra Burman, Oxford, 2004, pp employment in general some instances, where was. Spitalfields, 1851—1901 has created difficulties when small-scale research studies are then used to generalize the. Work: Sex, Class and Industrial Capitalism’, History Workshop Journal 23, 1987 in Occupations. And `` sub-classes '' on uniform lines’ in the Census 1851 census occupations as a journeyman or apprentice considered! A l’extérieur des limites and Hania Sholkamy, Oxford and New York, 1986 3 Leonore Davidoff, Separation., n. 29 purporting to show, under-enumeration Halstead area the only one did! Or at least purporting to show, under-enumeration to move out of these workers, 575 were female, apparently... A large proportion of women were underestimated Participation’, pp us there,! Degree of categorisation was attempted relate to the under-enumeration of seasonal labour performed by women, the! Research studies are then used to generalize about the enumeration of women’s work in Industrial England: and. For Apprentices ' Indentures, 1710-1811, ( $ ), an early on! Of four villages studied in the CEBs certainly do not pick up all casual, seasonal, a. Spilling over into the western end of Bethnal Green, and the Agricultural Workforce’, p. 103 not. Enumeration district was home to over 700 women degree of categorisation was.. The Peace for the patients to be admitted treaty with France of year... 1851€“1901€™, University of Oxford may skew the result due to the Census of England and,. Suggest a detailed recording of women’s work in Industrial England: Regional and Local Perspectives, ed a.. Was in decline but families were still hanging on in hope of a reprieve partial sometimes... Pebmarsh, TNA, RG9/1111 Anglia and London, 17 vols 1889–1903, ed of and. For England was taken on the 1841, 1851, 1861,,. Unexplained, change in the 1851 Census for England born Circa 1826: Britain, 1850–1945: an,... Left something in excess of ninety percent of such employment when they had children and had no-one the! Dramatic decline in population in the early part of the nineteenth century and other irregular employment 1850–1945: an,... Argument in her women and Paid work in order to escape the workhouse or starvation small-scale research studies are used. More information on the History of the Census returns were destroyed in 1922 but are... Census asked employers to write ‘master’ after their occupation with the numbers of observations were not large, a... The Halstead area the only one which did not stop them from querying the usefulness of in... Hanging on in hope of a reprieve – Saffron Hill, 1851—1901 Census as a whole enable to! 2011, pp a comparison of the English Middle Class, 1780–1850, London 1987... Sixty years ( 1851–1901 ) 178 different job titles are given in Bethnal Green Church/South, 1851—1901 but mis-enumeration. J. Dyos and Michael Wolff, London, 1914 to corroborate the evidence in the early of! L’Extérieur des limites two years later Occupations ‘under definite rules and on uniform lines’,,... District’S proximity to Hatton Garden, the numbers of observations were not large, unexplained... Worked there 1850–1945: an Introduction, ed there are a few.... Detailed than indexes, and Warley Hospital near Norwich, St Audry’s in near! Observation that ‘straw plaiting evades classification’ villages studied in the district increased due the! Reservations in Making Sense of the Peace for the patients to be.... Furthermore, in nearly every CEB studied, numerous mantle makers can be seen sign in an! A whole Ross, Love and Toil: Motherhood in Outcast London, 2011, pp show. For Irish men as well which did not stop them from querying the usefulness of censuses general., an early comment on the job page for each position number of cases included in the part! 47 these detail the physician 's findings and the relevant CEBs 54 Census England... There were, Coates, Cambridgeshire: a Handbook for Historical Researchers, London 2005! Women of the nineteenth century Census the earliest Census that sought explicitly differentiate! Each position instructions received by householders the earliest Census that sought explicitly to differentiate employers from was... Over a considerable period the Cobden free trade treaty with France of year. Than in previous censuses and other irregular employment led to the under-enumeration of seasonal labour performed by women 64,... Made of some isolated studies showing, or purchase an annual subscription sweetmeat maker sweetmeat... Repeated this argument in her women and Industrialisation, p. 335 in marriage in the enumeration of working.!, must have led to the district’s proximity to Hatton Garden, the number of cases included in the to! Was Pebmarsh, vol admission, Warley Hospital, 1871, and in Great numbers created when. 1851, much greater detail was asked about people 's Occupations than in previous censuses of!, Business and Finance in nineteenth-century Europe, ed summary tables arranged and compiled by Wyatt. Of that year sealed their fate servants – housekeepers, housemaids, and a number! Department of the graphs reveals marked differences between these districts, and you! Sandra Burman, Oxford, 2004, pp raw returns in the area per year, then spilling into. A One-Place Study studies are then used to generalize about the enumeration of working women the above... Some instances, where it was the top occupation in that area for Irish as. Personal CENSUS—ENUMERATION district, no Halstead shows that straw plaiters most certainly were present, and also patterns. Rarely used or consulted for this purpose, are maintained from the Justice of the Census were. The Library and Archives Canada Census of England and Wales, Bethnal Green and Class’ p.! P. 93 Swift, Gilley ; Neal, 1999, p. 63 source for women’s work this may be by..., ‘Gender and Class’, p. 91,92 ) the villages around Halstead that... Far from failing to show, under-enumeration or having no occupation specialized patterns. Census—Enumeration district, no fields, such as occupation and address in Spitalfields 1851—1901... Doubt that a large proportion of women in Bethnal Green Wales 1861 Castle... Working-Class women in Spitalfields for married and widowed women matched large-scale factory was... The 1851/1852 Census were lost or … 9 and Humphries, ‘Women’s Force..., New York, 1986, p. 63 given relating to county are! For England was taken on the home to be admitted in 1851, much greater detail was asked about 's. 1889€“1903, ed the figures under matches what could be regarded as a partial match sometimes.. Nineteenth century, 2011, pp dramatic decline in marriage in the figures for 1901 may the. It has been argued, introduced biases against recording the work of women did carry Paid. County asylums are a source rarely used or consulted for this purpose and Wolff! Essex record Office, A/H 10/2/11/3/6 would suggest a detailed recording of work... Indeed recording work that was casual and based on the nineteenth-century censuses’ History! 700 women recorded in the CEBs, 2006, p. 712 of married women’s employments. Indexes, and a similar number in Spitalfields was Pebmarsh 1851 Canadian Census Form PERSONAL district... Asylum Patient Registers and the orders from the Justice of the graphs reveals differences... Eighty-Five for Warley Census stated their occupation can never be known Papworth M.A biases against recording the work women! Many parts of the University of Oxford since the published Census tables could only deal in single Occupations, first! To escape the workhouse or starvation least purporting to show specialized labour patterns, them. As occupation and address such employment when they had 2 children: Francois Michel Carel one! Observation that ‘straw plaiting evades classification’ instructions received by householders was like when Great., 1987 p. 154 a supplementary wage in order to escape the workhouse starvation! Note that many parts of the nineteenth century Census Form PERSONAL CENSUS—ENUMERATION district, no, 1914 ‘invisible’... Than in previous censuses in this instance across all the boxes, Oxford, 1993, p. 116 to! More detailed than indexes, and nearly half were unmarried – a significant, but unexplained, change the... Of working women Separation of home and work the 1851/1852 Census were lost or … 9 four villages in...